Edition 30 Volume 2 - August 05, 2004
Palestinian-Arab relations
• The link is cultural, historic, Islamic -
an interview withMohammad Barakeh
We have a link with the Arab and Islamic worlds, but simultaneously we are citizens of Israel, and must not lose our order of priorities.
• A Jordanian perspective -
Mustafa B. Hamarneh
Jordan's historic interventionist policies have, for the time being, been transformed into the hope, from a distance, for the "best".
• The Palestine cause remains an Arab cause -
an interview withAli Jarbawi
The Palestine question will remain at the heart of Arab politics, and this is why many Arabs are asking for and trying to reach a settlement.
• Only sympathy remains -
Riad Kahwaji
There are no more banquettes at luxury Arab hotels to raise money for the Palestinian cause, only discreet donations by a few people here and there through international organizations like the Red Crescent.
The link is cultural, historic, Islamic
an interview with Mohammad Barakeh BI: The Arab world's attitude toward the Palestinian citizens of Israel has changed in recent years. How would you characterize the dynamic?
Barakeh: The change began after 1967, with the astounding "discovery" by the Arab world that there were several hundred thousand Palestinians, Israeli citizens but also Arabs capable of creating a unique and democratic culture. This opened the eyes of many, especially Arab intellectuals. In contrast with the predominant image from 1948 to 1967, according to which anyone who was in Israel was a Zionist, they discovered that those of us here have a broad concept of the democratic process and of national identity.
BI: And in more recent years?
Barakeh: This understanding was more widely diffused in the past decade, thanks to the Arab media revolution. This provided the Arab masses, as opposed to only scholars, with a window to observe us. Two contradictory dynamics--the capacity to contribute our share toward advancing the peace process on the one hand, and general Arab stagnation and corruption on the other-generated an Arab attitude toward us of admiration, that reflected Arab frustration. Both the disappointment and the hope among the Arabs would not have been possible without the media revolution.
BI: What are the unique interests of the Palestinian citizens of Israel in the Arab world?
Barakeh: A few months ago a symposium was held in Cairo concerning the Palestinian citizens of Israel and "the strategy of ties with them". This question was posed there: what is unique [about us] in Arab terms? I was there. I felt that there was an inclination to embrace us, to create special coordination mechanisms. I rejected this direction, for a simple reason: we have a link with the Arab and Islamic worlds, which we must express. But simultaneously we are citizens of Israel, and must not lose our order of priorities. Our arena is the Israeli political arena. It is there that we seek to advance relations with the Arab world, but also to integrate, in the sense of advancing our status as Israeli citizens. The Israeli right wing tells us "you have 23 countries, what are you doing here among us?" But it was Israel that came to us in 1948; not we that came to Israel.
BI: How do the Arab interests of Palestinian citizens of Israel differ from those of the other Palestinians, for example in the West Bank and Gaza?
Barakeh: We are part of the Palestinian people but not part of its right to self determination. I do not dismiss national and cultural ties, but not every Arab is automatically my ally, just as not every Jew is automatically my enemy. I have a proud Palestinian and Arab identity, but the link is cultural, historic, Islamic (for non-Muslim Palestinians as well). In terms of the political dynamic, we function within an Israeli framework. We have a lot of complaints about Arab corruption, but our objectives are within Israeli politics.
BI: Your particular political roots are in the communist party. Does this provide you with any special access to communist or former communist circles in Arab countries?
Barakeh: Naturally, having communist identity and class concepts creates a link to left wing elements in the Arab world. But these do not replace links with Arab states-Egypt, Jordan-that have diplomatic relations with Israel.
BI: The Palestinian citizens of Israel have often been described as a "bridge to peace" with the Palestinian people? Is this relevant to the rest of the Arab world as well?
Barakeh: That issue was decided elsewhere, at the Beirut Arab League Summit of March 2002, where it was determined that Israeli-Palestinian peace and a withdrawal to the 1967 borders are the gateway to peace with all the Arab countries. The expression "bridge to peace" was coined in its day by MAPAM [an Israeli Marxist party, now part of the Meretz/Yahad Party]. We constitute part of the Israeli political dialogue for peace, and a special part of the Palestinian people with regard to peace. But we do not mediate. We are an integral part of the Israeli political fabric and part of the internal Palestinian dialogue. - Published 5/8/2004 (c) bitterlemons-international.org
Member of Knesset Mohammad Barakeh is chairman of the Hadash Movement and deputy speaker of the Knesset.
A Jordanian perspective
Mustafa B. HamarnehJordan's history of engagement with Palestine and Palestinians has been complex, controversial and, from the Hashemite perspective, characterized by setbacks. Ever since the kingdom's involvement in the 1948 war, two different yet interrelated outcomes have emerged. First, in 1948 the Jordanian army managed to save the West Bank and East Jerusalem, which laid the foundation for formal unity between the two banks. Second, and equally important, the expansion of the territorial base of the kingdom led to radical demographic transformation in the composition of its population when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians became "Jordanian" citizens of the new political entity.
Views among Palestinians concerning their experience of union with Jordan are polarized. Whereas the mainstream of Palestinians on the East Bank view it as a union between two peoples, the rise of the Palestinian nationalist movement in the post-1967 period led to a rejection of this notion. Interestingly, some fringe groups among the Palestinians present a somewhat extreme interpretation of unity. They view Jordan's salvation of the West Bank from otherwise inevitable loss in 1948 as an occupation. However this view has been rejected by the bulk of Palestinians of the East Bank.
As a corollary of the Arab defeat in the 1967 war Jordan lost the West Bank and East Jerusalem. This humiliating event discredited the idea of conventional war and further propelled guerrilla warfare into prominence. Jordan had to offer the Palestinian militant factions a territorial base from which to launch attacks against Israeli occupation. This led, inter alia, to hard-hitting Israeli aggression and ultimately to a showdown between the Jordanian state and the Palestinian nationalist forces. The events of September 1970 were the culmination of a relationship between the forces of Palestinian nationalism and the Jordanian state that had been marred by mutual suspicion and competition since 1948.
Jordan and the Palestine Liberation Organization also fought a fierce political battle over the representation of the Palestinians. Jordan attempted to pre-empt this competition by announcing the United Arab Kingdom project. Yet this notion never took off; it was rejected out of hand by the PLO, which saw it as a Jordanian ploy meant to perpetuate the "subjugation" of the Palestinians to the regime in Amman. The PLO managed to build a consensus according to which it, rather than Jordan, should be the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinians. The 1974 Rabat Arab Summit resolution in this regard constrained Jordan's manoeuvring space vis-a-vis the peace talks of that time. Jordan-PLO talks in the 1980s yielded no positive result regarding the peace process. Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat proved to be, from a Jordanian perspective, untrustworthy as he vacillated in his position in the 1980s. Finally, the eruption of the intifada, the collapse of the notion of an international peace conference, and the lack of a real Israeli partner for peace forced Jordan to make the disengagement decision in July 1988.
To avert political and technical obstacles in the path of the Madrid peace conference of 1991, Jordan provided the Palestinians with a Jordanian umbrella and agreed on the formation of a joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation to attend the peace negotiations. However the PLO opened a back channel with Israel and managed to arrive at the Oslo accord in 1993. Jordan was caught off guard, and King Hussein saw Oslo as a defection. Yet the Oslo accord paved the way for Jordan to sign its peace treaty with Israel in 1994. The Palestinians' suspicion of Jordan's intentions only increased as a result of the Wadi Araba treaty.
Despite statements to the contrary, the mutual suspicion has never abated. For instance, Arafat and the Palestinian Authority (in which the anti-Jordan component is strong) are almost obsessed with the notion that any progress in bilateral relations between Israel and Jordan is at the expense of the Palestinians. Furthermore, Arafat has meticulously and methodically undermined any effective relationship between the West Bank and the East Bank. This mode of thinking has led Arafat to promote his relations with Egypt at the political and strategic levels. Yet paradoxically it was Jordan that managed to employ its peace treaty with Israel to serve the Palestinians. The Hebron Protocol, the release of Ahmed Yassin, and the Wye River Agreement would not have been secured were it not for Jordan's intervention.
Furthermore, Jordan managed to neutralize the Israeli factor in its relations with the United States and played a key role in the formulation of the
roadmap. Explicit in statements coming from senior officials in Jordan and from King Abdallah himself is that the establishment of an independent and viable Palestinian state is in the best interest of Jordan. The Hashemite Kingdom has lobbied vigorously in the United States to resume the peace process. Furthermore, Jordanian diplomacy served the Palestinians regarding the Israeli separation wall when Amman managed to cast the whole reckless Israeli project as posing a threat to Jordanian national security.
The prevailing conditions of mutual mistrust and suspicion between Jordan and the traditional forces of Palestinian nationalism, coupled with the absence of support among public opinion on the East Bank for any interventionist role for Jordan in Palestinian affairs, have reduced Jordan's maneuverability. This in turn has for the time being basically transformed the kingdom's historic interventionist policies into the hope, from a distance, for the "best". However, the appearance on the scene of credible Palestinian partners from inside the occupied territories might lay the ground for a change in this policy drift.- Published 5/8/2004 (c) bitterlemons-international.org
Prof. Mustafa B. Hamarneh is director of the Center for Strategic Studies, University of Jordan.
The Palestine cause remains an Arab cause
an interview with Ali JarbawiBI: What do you make of Jordanian-Palestinian relations in view of recent remarks by King Abdullah, particularly their timing?
Jarbawi: Everybody is basically confused as to what is happening around us, not only in Palestine, but in the region as a whole, with Iraq and the various pressures from the outside. I think this is all a part of this.
Of course, I think the internal Palestinian situation is very important for many Arabs, especially Jordan and Egypt. They are the immediate neighbors and they are affected by what is happening internally. Like the Palestinians themselves, Jordanians and Egyptians are concerned about what is happening.
BI: We've heard a lot about the Egyptian initiative in Gaza. What are Egypt's interests here?
Jarbawi: Egypt is very concerned about what is happening in Gaza for many reasons. Egypt has long been tied with the Palestine question, and they have a genuine interest. Second, they want to ensure that if Israel is leaving Gaza, stability there is assured. They want Gaza to be stable and they want the transfer to be an orderly transfer. They don't want any chaos there that could affect them
BI: What kind of support can or should Palestinians expect from the Arab world?
Jarbawi: Well, the Palestinian cause is an Arab cause. You cannot actually relinquish that relationship. Wherever you go in the Arab world, among the people the Palestinian issue is an issue, the issue sometimes. However, for the past ten years, we've been seeing the Arab states becoming more entrenched as states. So you have competition between local nationalism and Arab nationalism. Because of these developments, you start to see that local nationalism supercedes Arab nationalism in many instances.
However, the Palestinian issue remains an Arab cause. It suffers sometimes because of the national interests of different Arab states, but the Palestinians count on the Arabs to ensure that the cause is not lost and that Palestinian national interests are preserved. I would say that without the Arab support for the past many, many years, the Palestine question would have withered away.
BI: Do you feel there is a kind of disconnect between the support from the Arab peoples and the support that Arab governments show?
Jarbawi: Yes, for the reasons I said above. But even the people--I mean, when you remind them of Palestine then they are with the Palestinians--but this issue has been going for the past many years, and local interests sometimes supercede it even for the people.
BI: In the future, how do you see relations between Arab countries and the Palestinians developing?
Jarbawi: I think we have come a long way. It depends on which Arab countries. Some are closer than others. Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, and Egypt are more concerned and entangled with the question because of refugees and proximity, as opposed to countries like Sudan or Morocco, for instance. In general, though, I think the Palestine question will remain at the heart of Arab politics, and this is why many Arabs are asking for and trying to reach a settlement. It is not only for Palestinian interests, it is also for their own. And I think unless we have a political solution that will satisfy the minimum Palestinian needs, the whole region will continue to suffer from varying degrees of instability.- Published 5/8/2004 (c) bitterlemons-international.org
Ali Jarbawi is professor of political science at Birzeit University.
Only sympathy remains
Riad KahwajiMany Arabs can still remember the days when big banquets and luncheons were held in luxury hotels to raise funds for the Palestinian cause. Men emptied their pockets and women took off expensive jewelry to donate to the Palestine resistance, later embodied in the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Such occasions were frequent and ordinary in most Arab countries back in the 60's and up to the late 70's. Supporting the Palestinian cause was a noble deed and the duty of every Arab person. Less than half a century later, however, all that is left is sympathy.
The Lebanese Civil War, the first Palestinian intifada, the end of the Cold War, the invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent Gulf war, a decade of largely unsuccessful Middle East peace talks and the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon in the United State on September 11, 2001, were all historical turning points that impacted the Palestinian cause and the Arab perception of the Palestinian cause, the Palestinians and the Palestinian leadership.
The development of events has created a great deal of confusion for both the Palestinians and the Arabs--people and leaders alike. Since 1967, the Palestinian leadership under Arafat has been in a constant struggle for survival not only against the Israelis but also against rival Palestinian factions as well as a few Arab states. From the troubles in Jordan, the Civil War in Lebanon, the distant exile in Tunis and the clash with Arab Gulf states over the support of the former Iraqi regime in its occupation of Kuwait up until the breakup with Syria over the Oslo Accords with Israel, the Palestinian leadership lost a lot of credibility among Arab governments, governments that last for a long time and that have seen the Palestinian leadership in transition to its current status.
The 9/11 terrorist attacks have also seriously damaged the Palestinian cause. Thanks to the extensive efforts of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and the powerful Jewish lobby in Washington, the neo-conservative US administration agreed to equate the Palestinian resistance to Al Qaeda, and thus almost all armed Palestinian factions have become branded as terrorist groups. Responding to President George W. Bush's speech to the world that "you're either with us or against us" in the global war on terrorism, many other countries did the same. Arab states, feeling the US pressure especially after the recent invasion of Iraq, have somehow adopted the American viewpoint. Many attacks by Palestinian groups that only a few months ago were considered heroic acts of legitimate resistance became acts of terrorism. Even the Palestinian leadership, under tremendous pressure from all sides, started to regard attacks on Israeli civilians as terrorist acts.
So where do Arab-Palestinian relations stand today in the midst of all this confusion? Palestinians have always sought Arab support in four areas: military, political, financial and moral. The military support ended on the eastern front after the fall of the West Bank in the 1967 Six-Day War, a development that was later consolidated with the signing of the Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty in 1996. On the southern front, it ended with the signing of the Egypt-Israel Camp David peace accord in 1979, and on the northern front with the crushing defeat of Syrian forces in the Golan in 1973 and in the Lebanese Beqaa Valley in 1982 and the subsequent ouster of most PLO forces from Lebanon.
As for the political support, Palestinians have always been able to count on Arab support at the United Nations and other international organizations. However, Arab leaders have usually provided political support because it improved their images before their own people, and thus for their own political gains. This level of political support then did not go as far as Jordan or Egypt suspending ties with Israel over the reoccupation of the Palestinian territories in 2002, nor did it go as far as Gulf states shutting off oil supplies as they did in 1973 to protest US support for Israel.
Financial support was the only effective tool the Arabs had that was of actual use to Palestinians in general. But even this came to an end following 9/11 and the subsequent international campaign to bar transfers of funds through banks to groups branded as terrorist. Many Palestinian charity groups were closed down because of links with Palestinian factions; state-backed Arab satellite television stations stopped their regular telethons to raise funds to support the intifada, and the enthusiasm of the Arab League to establish funds to help families of Palestinian martyrs came to an end. There are no more banquets at luxury Arab hotels to raise money for the Palestinian cause, only discreet donations by a few people here and there through international organizations like the Red Crescent to needy Palestinian families.
Thus, moral support is all the Arabs have left for the Palestinians. But this sympathy is only from the Arab people to the Palestinian people. On a state level, the Palestinian leadership has been launching one public relations campaign after the other to retain whatever is left of Arab and international support, but recent inter-Palestinian clashes in Gaza and the West Bank have only undermined Arafat's leadership, and critical voices of Arafat and his Authority are getting louder and bolder not only from within but from surrounding Arab states like Jordan and Egypt.
The image of the Palestinian resistance movement has been tarnished. It has become overwhelmed by the so-called "global war on terrorism" and overshadowed by allegations of corruption. That is why maintaining a clear, healthy and productive relationship with the Palestinian leadership has become problematic both for Arab governments and Arab peoples. The Palestinian resistance must be reborn with a clear-cut strategy. Are they a resistance? If so, they ought to stop behaving as statesmen until they have an independent state. Are they a military resistance? Then let them clearly announce this, go underground and behave as such. Are they a peaceful resistance? In such a case, drop the arms and pursue peace talks on the background of an uprising of rocks and civil disobedience, so effective in the first intifada.
There are no clearly defined Arab-Palestinian relations. There are, however, relations between Arab states and Palestinian leaders and factions. Orderly relations must replace this chaos. The losers are the Arab people in general, but especially the Palestinians.- Published 5/8/2004 (c) bitterlemons-international.org
Riad Kahwaji is CEO of the Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis - INEGMA, in Dubai.
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